Teenagers Life free essay sample

Life Teenager is where the physical and state of mind of an individual creates which happens among youth and adulthood. It begins at age 13 for young men and 12 in young ladies. In youngsters life, we should be more autonomy than previously. It is the hour of adolescence as well. During the young life, an individual have a few changes. It includes physical, enthusiastic, mental and mental changes. The physical changes will be changes in the body. Maybe the most significant changes are connected to sexual development. It is during the teenager years that the body develops into an explicitly develop, and there are a wide range of physical attributes that create because of this development. What's more, the passionate changes, they think this way: start to understand that convictions are the consequence of a reasoning procedure, come to comprehend others think as well, and their own convictions on a specific subject may contrast from those of others, may comprehend others have various thoughts regarding similar points, yet they despite everything don't comprehend that others may consider various themes out and out. We will compose a custom exposition test on Young people Life or then again any comparative theme explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page That’s why individuals feel more earnestly when they live in youngsters life. They’re labile and now and then get mistake for themselves, and for the most part they get a bigger number of issues than previously. In view of the unsteadiness of young people, the greater part of them can impacted effectively with their around. It tends to be acceptable propensities, yet typically, young people affected with negative behavior patterns like expend drugs, liquor, free affiliation, go through cash excessively, over the top way of life, and threatening vibe with one another as a result of scramble beau/sweetheart. Adolescents have changed in examination with the teenagers previously, considering dietary patterns, a functioning lifestyle, investing free energy and garments. They are a â€Å"technology† age. For youngsters in todays’ world cell phones, web, music, motion pictures, TV and computer games are significant. Most adolescents lean toward sitting in front of the TV and playing PC games to understanding books. Teenagers eat there undesirable food. They eat an excessive amount of inexpensive food, for example, McDonald. As a youngster, we should be cautious with our affiliation. We should be savvy to pick companions, and sort the great and unfortunate propensities. We can to impersonate the great propensities, however we need to stay away from the negative behavior patterns. Youngster additionally need to recollect, that a sound way of life requires, yet they likewise should not disregard individual cleanliness. Continue eating well food, increasingly tenacious, study, and reduction the PC, web, TV, and games time.

Remittance as a social responsibility for development Essay

National Defense: A Political Perspective Essay -- essays research pap

National Defense: A Political Perspective      The guard of our country has consistently been a solid issue all through America’s political history. Despite the fact that our country has not existed an extensive stretch of time, our nation has needed to wage war to make the world safe for vote based system commonly. Nonconformists and preservationists are additionally continually extremely worked up over the issue of the most ideal approach to guard the nation.      One of the principal issues in the progressing banter is that of a Ballistic Missile Defense program. The thought was first pitched during the strained time of the Cold War. Colin Powell, a conspicuous moderate, saw Missile Defense â€Å"at the time the time not as an Utopian dream yet as a valuable method of tossing a panic into the war organizers of the Soviet Union†(Keller, 1). Normally, Republicans as far back as Ronald Reagan have grasped the possibility of a â€Å"Shield† against the antagonistic goals of any country with ballistic rockets, yet many stay wary of a mechanical reliance that such a framework would cause. George W. Bramble has confidence in a constrained Missile Defense program, yet so as to found propelled testing of the innovation, a path around the A.B.M. bargain would need to be found. This bargain was made so as to diminish the atomic weapons store of both Russia and the United States. Preservationists for the most part hold onto t he program as a feasible answer for one of the nation’s top priority’s in country barrier.  â â â â ...

The Great American Illusion :: Free Essay Writer

The Great American Illusion The Great Gatsby, composed by Scott F. Fitzgerald in the 1920’s is the embodiment of the Jazz Age, an expression instituted by the creator himself. In the novel, Fitzgerald utilizes numerous artistic components to precisely depict the timeframe in which he lived including setting, characters, lingual authority, and numerous images, which structure most of the investigative part of the story. Indeed, a considerable lot of the characters in the book serve as an image, so as to fortify a specific theme or subject inside the novel. The most evident, repeating and ground-breaking topic in the book is the debasement of the American Dream during the Jazz Age. Despite the fact that numerous researchers accept that Fitzgerald is advancing the Dream, he is really censuring it and a big motivator for it. This subject is utilized related to the theme of appearance versus reality to scrutinize further the â€Å"single green light, minute and far away† (25) that numerous Americans ha ve strived for: budgetary achievement, notoriety, force and greatness. Fitzgerald wonderfully utilizes the character Gatsby to show the figment that is the American Dream that, in all actuality, is an incredibly degenerate and eager work on during the unrestrained and blatant period of the 1920’s. Essentially, Fitzgerald utilizes Gatsby to show the defilement and the insatiability that devours and decimates the supporters of the Dream. When Gatsby understands that he can't be with Daisy in his childhood due to his social class, he chooses to clear his own specific manner by moving to her social class. Some time ago James Gatz, â€Å"he [invents] the kind of Jay Gatsby that a seventeen-year-old kid would probably design, and to this origination he was devoted to the end† (95), starting his quest for a higher social class. Gatsby is eager to surrender the establishment of family and his legacy so as to increase financial riches like a significant number of the migrants approaching America to get by. This bad habit of Gatsby’s help the reader’s negative view towards the primary character and further censures the possibility of the American Dream, on account of the need of cash over family esteems. After his takeoff from Cody, Gatsby procures his cash from cle arly warped procedures. Indeed, even with his violations not being known, it very well may be expected that he is a scalawag and oversteps existing laws. This can be seen when his gathering visitors guess about whether he â€Å"killed a man† or if â€Å"he was a German covert operative in the war† (47).

Traditional And Modern Cooking In Italian â€Myassignmenthelp.Com

Question: Talk About The Traditional And Modern Cooking In Italian? Answer: Presentation This investigation means to characterize new ideas on the modernisation of Italian eateries just as realness identified with the conventional strategies in Italian cooking. This examination is essentially looking at the hugeness of development in the Italian eateries and customary qualities for the local Italians. Be that as it may, it has been found in huge numbers of the past examines that combination of customary and present day strategies are the most acknowledged type of Italian food outside Italy. Besides, it can likewise be seen that eating propensities are additionally changing and upsetting now and again (Jenkins, 2012). Therefore, in the current examination it very well may be inferred that food industry has dynamic and impulsive nature that drives it to decide new courses in the cooking industry procedure and methods where Italian cooking is no special case. Foundation Literature Hazan, 2012 portrays that customary strategies for cooking have been an intense task for todays way of life as it incorporates moderate cooking methods, maturations and canning which is a procedure and methodology of time. Conventional techniques for cooking are progressively flavourful for locals and involved some essential feasting propensities. Be that as it may, in the current situation, everyone is occupied with their work and life. Not every person needs to give their time just for preparing or needs every supper after so much persistence and time. It has likewise been seen that the taste and kind of customary dishes with the conventional techniques are not being acknowledged by individuals outside the nation of the dish (Hazan, 2012). In the opposite, globalization and migration of Italians in the other piece of the world has presented some new imaginative dishes which incorporates the taste and combination of the flavors and culture of other nation with the customary techniqu es. Furthermore, Waters (2011) explains that the combination procedure and strategy has generally acknowledged by the world and changed the realness of the conventional Italian suppers. Not just has this changed the conventional strategies for the Italian dishes yet additionally affected the severe eating propensities safeguarded by the Italians for breakfast, lunch and suppers blends. Then again, it has been investigated that the combination of Italian suppers in a café is a basic advancement that encourages it selling their dishes more than the customary one (Waters, 2011). Conventional food by grandma or mother depended on the taste that is being acquainted with a kid from the beginning and which is season with affection for mother towards her family. Parent Literature According to, Cassi, 2011, in this cutting edge period, everyone needs something new and imaginative to sooth their taste buds. Because of globalization, in food industry such a significant number of flavors, flavors and societies are blended which has supplanted the conventional qualities and societies. Today, such huge numbers of cafés are well known for their blended combination of customary and present day techniques which are adored by everyone and procuring loads of cash out of that modernization (Cassi, 2011). Customary strategies in Italian cooking requires some serious energy like moderate cooking for upgraded flavors safeguarding of specific things in a particular temperature and time which can't be actualized by eateries in current circumstances. Cheap food administrations with proper tastes and flavors more than customary strategy is must for the endurance of the eateries. Consequently, receiving originality in the Italian dishes are significant which is additionally dri ven by the models, for example, Barilla organization is creating numerous Italian items which helps individuals in making speedy Italian dishes with great taste and high caliber of food. It has additionally applied numerous conventional methods of Italian kitchen to impact the validness of the food and exclusive expectations of information fixings (Cassi, 2011). In the assessment of Taylor, 2012 correspondence and promoting food is likewise fundamental for any cafés that encourages ubiquity in the market and increment its salary. The inputs of the clients to improve the food quality and embrace its taste as per the territorial clients are another method of market correspondence that helps the cafés in their reality. Albeit local Italians may not concur with the combination of Italian dishes as they accept and cook their food like ceremonies and with certain feasting propensities which are not justifiable by others, yet comprehensively Italian dishes are cherished with certain corrections and blended in with some different flavors just (Taylor, 2012). Indeed, even in bygone eras Italian kitchens was just had high caliber of olive oils, salt, dark pepper and herbs with cheddar as fundamental dish fixings, at that point workers from different spots presented different vegetables like potatoes, corns, tomatoes and beans which are being cultiva ted and incorporated in essential Italian dishes. In this manner, it tends to be incorporated that food in the Italian kitchen was never founded on just explicit fixings and strategies and changes in the Italian kitchen was steady from the earliest starting point (Taylor, 2012). Quick Literature As indicated by Hackman, (2015) the adjustments in the cutting edge eateries of Italian kitchens are chiefly incorporates a portion of the standards and extents that are not conventional or denied. For instance, garlic in the dishes are utilized as a most significant fixing and featured in the flavor, while Italians doesn't concur with this strategy as a convention. Onions are additionally utilized as dubious fixing in the customary kitchen with present day procedure of cooking (Hackman, 2015). It has likewise been seen that straightforward pasta dish with cheddar and basils were one of the most widely recognized dinners of Italians which was never considered as a fundamental supper in the cafés. Besides, Hackman shows a portion of the eating propensities like contribution cappuccino with croissant is only a morning meal thing which isn't served evening in Italy, then again there is no standard applies in anyplace else. Some more delineations like pasta is constantly bubbled somewhat half-cooked in Italian custom, states of pasta is explicitly connected with its sauces and fixings and no meatball pasta idea is there (Hackman, 2015). Alongside this, no cheddar is included fish pasta recopies. In this way, these conventions are not being trailed by todays cafés because of interest of flavor and tastes by the neighborhood clients of the eateries. End In this way, from the above writing survey it tends to be broke down that conventional techniques are just trailed by the locals or Italians, anyway combination adaptation of Italian dishes are enjoyed by most of the populace. From this perception, Italian cafés around the globe are changing their approaches to cook Italian dishes in present day styles that are progressively reasonable in the specific locale. References Cassi, D. 2011. Science and cooking: the time of atomic food. EMBO Reports 12(3),pp. 191-196. Hackman, R. 2015. What do genuine Italians think about New York's Italian food? [Online] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2015/sep/18/what-do-genuine italians-consider new-yorks-italian-food [Accessed on: 11 September, 2017]. Hazan, M. 2012. The Essentials of Classic Italian Cooking. Dish Macmillan. Jenkins, S. 2012. In Italian Food, What's Authentic and Does It Really Even Matter? The bookkeeping. August Issues. [Online] Available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/wellbeing/file/2012/02/in-italian-food-whats-bona fide and-does-it-truly much issue/253346/[Accessed on: 11 September, 2017]. Taylor, A. L. 2012. Has Italian food lost its 'legitimacy'? [Online] Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/food/0/19648820 [Accessed on: 11 September, 2017] Waters, A. 2011. Plans and Lessons from a Delicious Cooking Revolution. The board UK.

Contradictory Essay Examples - Identifying Thesis and Contraversal Ideas

Contradictory Essay Examples - Identifying Thesis and Contraversal IdeasContradictory ideas or essays can be expressed in the form of a thorough written composition through thesis-based or controversial essay samples. Both types of thesis-based and controversial essay samples make it possible for students to express their most brilliant and creative ideas.A thesis can be used as a guide for the student in conducting a more constructive essay composition. However, it can also be employed to identify the area that a student intends to write about. As an example, if the student chooses to focus on grammar, it is possible to consider how the essay will read from the perspective of grammar. Whether it is through a topical topic or a less demanding technical discipline, the student will be able to capture the essence of a topic through a thesis statement.Another approach to incorporating an interesting contraversal into a typical essay is through the use of multiple tenses or situations. I n other words, one can attempt to state an idea in different ways depending on whether it is written in a formal or informal tone.Along with constant usage of the present tense, there are also varying uses of the future tense. This concept is already present in the writing process when a student is attempting to come up with a thesis statement. But, an essay like this can be used in a modern situation where a new technology is about to be introduced.Thesis-based and controversial essay samples are not only effective in approaching a topic but they are also useful in helping a student to organize the various details that are involved in a particular topic. The purpose is to demonstrate how ideas are presented in the formation of a thesis statement and how these ideas are presented within a specific essay.By comparing and contrasting concepts, thesis-based and controversial essay samples allow a student to capture the essence of each conceptin a few short sentences. While doing so, it is also possible to create a shorter version of the original essay that features different terms. This method of outlining can be helpful in the creation of an outline.Both types of essay samples may employ different approaches to convey the ideas. However, there are several factors that can affect the efficiency of the different types of essay samples. It is these same factors that are responsible for the different levels of expressiveness.When a student is provided with the proper tools, they can easily achieve the perfect expression of a concept or idea by using the right approach. A good example is seen when a student is faced with a very detailed project. The student can select the appropriate topics and allow the underlying concepts to form the basis of the composition.

Nationalism, Enemies, and US Foreign Policy - Free Essay Example

Nationalism, Enemies, and US Foreign Policy Abstract Democracies across the world have been moving in more nationalist directions over the past few years. This trend seemed to culminate in 2016 in the passage of the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom (UK) and the election of Donald Trump in the United States (US). Still, it is impossible to know if this trend will continue[SW1]. A defining characteristic of nationalism in principle and in practice today is an inward focus on ones own country and the exaltation of its own interests as the highest good, the primus inter pares[SW2] over which no other interests can take priority. Depending on the case, this newfound (or revived) dedication to the affairs of ones home state can be a positive development or a negative pivot. But in all cases, this change puts individual states at odds with international mediating institutions, and, often, in conflict with each other as well. So, what does this trend toward nationalism and away from internationalism portend for foreign relations and cooperation between states? This paper seeks to frame and explain that problem as it relates to the work of German political and legal theorist Carl Schmitt. It considers his text The Concept of the Political alongside other books, including Thomas Hobbess Leviathan and a selection of essays and articles by the foreign policy realist J ohn Mearsheimer to evaluate the pros, cons, and differences of a more nationalist approach to international relations. Later, the paper contends that the spread of nationalism could be a productive counterweight to the excesses of liberal internationalism that have brought bloodshed and provided that the friend-enemy distinctions that2016 was a year in politics that left virtually everyone, experts included, confused. No less shocked were those who celebrated the outcomes of the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom (UK) and the election in the United States (US). Still, looking back, those events, momentous and surprising as they were, fit into a larger pattern, namely the rise of nationalism in the world. From Austria to Mexico to the Philippines, people are and have been electing leaders to oppose the status quo and to more aggressively advocate for their national interests. A full discussion of the policy implications of these elections is beyond the scope of this brief eight-page paper. Consequently, this essay looks only at what nationalism means for the future of international relations, both between states and between institutions. This essay does not focus on the factors that give rise to nationalism, however at least not directly. Rather, it examines how nationalism can and likely will change the nature of foreign policy and global cooperation and contends that it may institute positive, stability-improving reforms. To fully appreciate these changes and to see how they might lead to healthy developments in foreign affairs, the paper argues that it is important to read Carl Schmitt, Thomas Hobbes, and selections from John Mearsheimer to make sense of nationalism vis-à ­Ã‚  -vis global politics and international stability. Before jumping into a discussion on the effects of nationalism on foreign policy, a brief overview of foreign policy itself is necessary. Broadly speaking, international affairs are not so different from domestic politics. There are self-interested actors with means for reaching resolutions and for escalating conflicts; economic and social considerations to weigh before acting; and there are also coalitions, alliances, and rivalries on this global stage. In many respects international actors are similar to domestic agents. There is one critical difference, however: unlike politics within a state, there is no system of laws or norms to authoritatively guide political disputes between states. The absence of a clear, respected, and powerful sovereign authority ultimately renders international politics distinct from domestic affairs. Obviously, this creates certain issues of cooperation and proportion, i.e., states may not work together or treat each other well. One way to conceptualize this dilemma inherent in international relations is through Thomas Hobbess famous conception of a state of nature. In Leviathan, he defines this analytical situation as one in which all [fight against] all in a chaotic scramble for security and access to resources (Veltman p.81). Although bleak, Hobbess characterization of an authority-less political milieu captures the reality of power politics (machtpolitik), which is that states that can pursue their own interests will even if that means running roughshod over weaker states. The great worry about this situation is that the potential for violence is omnipresent and the likelihood of cooperation is extremely low. The twentieth century alone is replete with instances in which machtpolitik brought nations, ethnic and religions minorities, and even civilization to the brink of destruction. In an attempt to get out of the Hobbesian security-dilemma that exists in the disorderly state of nature (a type of collective action problem whereby actors arm based on their perception that they are in danger, which in turn causes other actors to arm themselves), nations and empires began trading some of their sovereign authority to larger political institutions to act as a higher power with loose enforcement mechanisms that they could use on belligerent member states. The logic of this move is that it would open permanent lines of communication while also acting as a check against rash action by states, especially those with the power to do tremendous harm to themselves and to others; it would also put limits on the types of antagonisms that exist between states while simultaneously constraining the ability of actors to use force on rivals. Moreover, these institutions would provide states with some degree of stability, the main motivator of states, so the reasoning goes. For a time, it appeared as though these governmental inventions would solve problems in international relations, including those that long prevented healthy relations between neighboring states in Western Europe and the Middle East. Yet in the last two decades, the small threads that hold together these institutions and their member states have become frayed and even undone. There are myriad reasons for these developments, and they are too numerous to fully explain. Nevertheless, at a fundamental level, it can be said that some of the resentment against these institutions, like the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), derives from the rise of free rider problems and further encroachment on the sovereignty of states. In the American election, for instance, then-candidate Trump criticized members of NATO for not meeting their financial obligations to the organization (Diamond 2017); during the Brexit campaign, advocates for the leave position derided the EU for its increasing intrusions on the UKs domestic politics (Foster 2016). As mentioned above, there are many reasons for countries and peoples to take issue with international institutions. The examples offered merely show two ways in which people have come into conflict with the leading international organizations of the day. Still, the why is not the focus of the paper; instead, it is concerned with another question: what follows from this? Without the presence of mediating, law-making, and cooperation-building international institutions, states return to the egocentric and precarious state of nature that Hobbes laments as hellish and brutal. To expand on this problem, it is instructive to look at Carl Schmitts friend-enemy distinction thesis. A twentieth-century German legal and political theorist, Schmitt was interested in political conflict, an idea he explored in The Concept of the Political (1932). He says that before there is politics, there is a critical and existential decision that states must make the friend-enemy distinction[SW4]. This inescapable and omnipresent determination is at the center of politics since the concept of the state (the domain of politics) presupposes the concept of the political (Schmitt p.19). It is here that states political creatures themselves decide who their friends and enemies will be. In sum, before there can be politics, Schmitt says, the friend-enemy distinction must be made (S chmitt p.20). From this point follows the political itself, which for Schmitt is violent due to the fact that political actions and motives to terms of friend and enemy (Schmitt p.26). To expand on Schmitts idea, it should be noted that his theory is not at all normative and that it has no underpinning ideology, aside from the vague realpolitik character of its attitude toward politics itself. In fact, Schmitt himself says that the friend-enemy distinction can occur irrespective of the particular features of the identified friend or enemy. He writes: The friend and enemy concepts are to be understood in their concrete and existential sense, not as metaphors or symbols, not mixed and weakened by economic, moral, and other conceptions, least of all in a private-individualistic sense as a psychological expression of private emotions and tendencies. They are neither normative nor pure spiritual antithesis (Schmitt p.27-28) This point is important to stress since some might wrongly interpret Schmitts book as an attempt to justify the genocidal practices of the Nazis. It is not. To reiterate, the friend-enemy distinction has no inherent ideological bent. Instead, it is only an analysis of the ways in which politics is based on and extends from understandings of enemy and friend. It should still be noted that the political is the most intense and extreme antagonism, meaning the friend-enemy distinction could well end in a large-scale, existential conflict (Schmitt p.29). Indeed, Schmitt admits that the enemy concept [entails] the ever present [sic] possibility of combat a grim reminder of the reality that politics, despite the wishes of liberals and utopians, is a deadly endeavor. In tying Schmitts theory into a world in which there are no international institutions, it appears obvious as to why the prevalence of nationalism throughout the globe could be problematic for foreign relations. If all a state needs to do is to independently decide that another state or some other people within a territory is its enemy, and if nationalism confers people with twin views of superiority and radical self-interest, and if there are no institutions to limit state action, then the potential for violence on a massive scale increases many times over. This antagonism makes the instability of global politics all the worse. As a result, it appears that nationalism is a great driver of conflict. But is that so? Is nationalism in and of itself a problem for global cooperation and stability? While nationalism seems prima facie antithetical to the system of international relations that most would want i.e., one in which cooperation, deliberation, and moderation are stressed and the use of force is eschewed there are still reasons to believe that it might be conducive to producing stability in other ways. Reflect on the reality of international politics today. Our age is a unipolar one in which the peerless US exerts tremendous sway over organizations like NATO through funding, sets the proverbial rules of the road in world politics, and breaks its own laws with impunity while also acting as a moral and juridical enforcer. This arrangement might be nice in that it allows European countries to spend less on defense spending, but it is concerning in a host of other ways. Because the US is so wealthy and powerful, it is able to impose its values and its way of life on other countries. Although this is not nationalism in the standard sense, the US is still operating from the p resumption that its culture, its economic views, and its conception of rights are superior to all others, and that permits it to interfere in the affairs of other states. And if countries run afoul the USs opinions on what is right, then they can expect reprisals ranging from sanctions to invasions. That is, unless that country in violation of those norms and laws is the US (there is no issue when it contradicts itself) or Israel or some other state that the US has given a special status to. While the behavior of the US may seem only hypocritical to this point, the substantive historical record is much worse. When assessing the effects of the USs actions since the Second World War, it is mixed at best and awful at worst. John Mearsheimer, a political scientist and international relations theorist at the University of Chicago, writes that the Americas obsession with liberal hegemony and its rejection of the more nationalist, noninterventionist realpolitik alternative has ushered in disaster after disaster at a tremendous cost to US taxpayers, the countrys prestige, and the lives of millions (Mearsheimer 2016). By seeing all non-democratic regimes as enemies, the US has committed to a crusade that has spanned Republican and Democratic administrations alike. The upshot of this approach to politics is that the US has been at war for two out of every three years since the Cold War ended a remarkable statistic that should give advocates of liberal internationalist policies, th e ones that are diametrically opposed to a nationalistic, pause (Mearsheimer 2016). Given that the USs friend-enemy distinction is so wide-ranging and austere i.e., it is against all leftist regimes and autocratic ones to boot it is worth asking whether a single, all-powerful nations friend-enemy distinction is inherently worse than those of smaller, weaker states with limited arsenals. A likely counterargument that a critic would level against the characterization of nationalism above (again, with nationalism referring here only to states acting in their self-interest on the global stage) is that it is irredeemably problematic as it is predisposed to bringing about war and other disputes. Look at the two World Wars, the critic would say, and see how nationalism driven by the friend-enemy reasoning Schmitt explains nearly annihilated mankind. Whatever the arguments are against US-led liberal internationalism, it is, all things considered, eminently preferable to a system in which self-interest and not egalitarian cooperative ideals are the guiding force in shaping international relations. These are good points, and the problematic reality of the friend-enemy distinction is amplified by nationalism insofar as patriotic political communities see themselves as being above other states. That said, there are reasons to see other friend-enemy distinctions as equally dangerous. For instance, throughout the second half of the twentieth century, the liberal West America, Great Britain, etc. saw its enemies as socialists, communists, and all other non-liberal left-leaning groups. The corollary is that it viewed all groups opposed to those groups as its friends. As Schmitt says, the character, morals, and ideals of the enemy did not matter, and neither did those of the friend (Schmitt p.26). Needless to say, this led to serious conflicts, including the Cold War and the instillation of unsavory authoritarian regimes around the globe, many of which are responsible for egregious human rights abuses, the ramifications of which continue to be felt. On account of those considerations, it may well be that the US would be better served adopting a more nationalist approach to foreign policy insofar as nationalism is understood as a cautious, realist conception of foreign policy. Were it to adopt such an approach, it would necessarily be forced to reconsider its existing friend-enemy distinctions, ones that, at present, are capacious, inconsistent, and ill-suited to advance the Americas immediate interests. Plus, as a democracy, there are various constraints on how the US would go about advancing its interest (i.e., acting), such as elections and a deep democratic tradition. That said, there are reasons to be wary of the US adopting a nationalist foreign policy as it would probably require the domestic politics to become more nationalist, and no one wants to reach the point where President Trump is calling Canada the Sudetenland, for example. But on the whole, a more nationalist modus operandi in foreign affairs would better respect the states rights to self-determination while also making the world a safer place by giving the US fewer excuses for intervening. Alternatively, if other states were to act more in their own self-interest and to step back from the US-dominated institutions that are themselves simply conduits through which the US exerts its influence, then there are reasons to believe that this could, deter US actions, many of which have been reckless. One thought is that a diminished commitment to the institutions that the US disproportionately funds might give America pause before acting; it might cause presidents and national security officials to think more about how their actions will be perceived than they do now, a fact that is partially attributable to the quasi-clientelist relationships the US enjoys with numerous countries thanks to those institutions. Another thought is that, by deemphasizing the importance of these institutions, America would be forced to confront other countries head-on rather than through NATO. This could disincentivize the US from acting and might even cause it to reconsider its friends and enemie s. Were there more space available, this paper would more narrowly consider the conditions under which a more nationalist foreign policy would be desirable and when it would be undesirable. Clearly not all countries are the same, so it follows that their interests would not be either. Examining countries security interests would be one way to go about exploring the conditions for a healthy nationalist foreign policy more fully. A final thought might be to examine the ways in which the USs friend-enemy formation affects its relationships with third-parties. Regrettably these are ideas for future essays. In conclusion, the world remains in the midst of a nationalist moment. Aside from the obvious impacts this has on domestic affairs, nationalism is also poised to influence world politics. Rather than view this as a negative development, it should be seen as a great opportunity for countries especially the US to adopt more cautious, self-interested approaches to foreign policy while discarding its failed, enemy-and-intervention-obsessed liberal calculus. Works Cited: Diamond, Jeremy. Trump Scolds NATO Allies over Defense Spending.CNN, Cable News Network, 25 May 2017, www.cnn.com/2017/05/25/politics/trump-nato-financial-payments/index.html. Foster, Peter. What Would Brexit Mean for British Sovereignty? The Telegraph, 19 May 2016, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/05/19/how-does-the-eu-impinge-on-british-sovereignty-and-if-the-uk-vot/ Mearsheimer, John J. Donald Trump Should Embrace a Realist Foreign Policy. Foreign Policy, 27 Nov 2016, https://nationalinterest.org/feature/donald-trump-should-embrace- realist-foreign-policy-18502 Schmitt, Carl.The Concept of the Political.Expanded ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. Veltman, Andrew.Social and Political Philosophy: Classic and Contemporary Readings. 1st ed., Oxford, 2008.